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Garfield County

Utah·FIPS 49017·5,256 residents (2025 estimate)

2024 result

R+59.4

2,811 ballots cast

What happened: the county's margin each cycle, against the national result.

D+95D+48EvenR+47R+952000200420082012201620202024R+78.3R+73.3R+60.4R+69.8R+53.2R+60.2R+59.4
This countyNational margin

Lean vs. nation

R+59.2

How this county sits relative to the country in 2024, with the national environment removed.

Trend since 2000

+22.7 pts

Net movement of that lean across 7 cycles — toward Democrats.

Elasticity

0.93

Moves roughly in step with the country.

Bellwether error

69.9

Average gap between this county's margin and the nation's.

Votes by candidate

7 cycles

Certified vote counts for each party's nominee, the combined total for everyone else on the ballot, the number of ballots cast, and how many people lived here at the time.

2024

R+59.4margin
Donald TrumpRep
2,211
78.7%
Kamala HarrisDem
541
19.2%
All other candidates
59
2.1%

2,811 ballots cast · 52.8 per 100 residents (2024 population estimate)

Residents5,321+4.2% since 2020 (+216 people)

2020

R+60.2margin
Donald TrumpRep
2,158
79.0%
Joe BidenDem
514
18.8%
All other candidates
60
2.2%

2,732 ballots cast · 53.5 per 100 residents (2020 population estimate)

Residents5,105+3.1% since 2016 (+153 people)

Measured across a change of Census vintage. The two series share no common year, so how far apart they sit cannot be measured — this change carries an unknown amount of revision on top of four years of real change.

2016

R+53.2margin
Donald TrumpRep
1,606
68.5%
Hillary ClintonDem
358
15.3%
All other candidates
380
16.2%

2,344 ballots cast · 47.3 per 100 residents (2016 population estimate)

Residents4,952−2.2% since 2012 (111 people)

2012

R+69.8margin
Mitt RomneyRep
1,832
84.0%
Barack ObamaDem
308
14.1%
All other candidates
42
1.9%

2,182 ballots cast · 43.1 per 100 residents (2012 population estimate)

Residents5,063+1.1% since 2008 (+53 people)

Measured across a change of Census vintage. Where the two vintages overlap, 96% of counties agree within 0.5%, so read this figure to about half a point and no finer.

2008

R+60.4margin
John McCainRep
1,710
79.2%
Barack ObamaDem
405
18.8%
All other candidates
44
2.0%

2,159 ballots cast · 43.1 per 100 residents (2008 population estimate)

Residents5,010+10.1% since 2004 (+458 people)

2004

R+73.3margin
George W. BushRep
1,848
85.5%
John KerryDem
264
12.2%
All other candidates
50
2.3%

2,162 ballots cast · 47.5 per 100 residents (2004 population estimate)

Residents4,552−4.1% since 2000 (195 people)

2000

R+78.3margin
George W. BushRep
1,719
87.3%
Al GoreDem
178
9.0%
All other candidates
71
3.6%

1,968 ballots cast · 41.5 per 100 residents (2000 population estimate)

Residents4,747

“All other candidates” is every remaining line on the presidential ballot combined — minor parties, independents and write-ins where the state reports them. Shares are of all ballots cast, so the three rows sum to 100%.

Ballots cast per 100 residents is not a turnout rate. It measures votes against every resident — children and non-citizens included — not against eligible or registered voters, which is what turnout means and which this site does not have a county-level figure for. It is shown only where an election year and a population estimate share the same year and describe the same territory; where the Census figure is stated on boundaries the vote was not cast on, the card says so and the ratio is withheld.

A change in residents is not a change in voters. The percentage beside each year is the change in resident population since the previous presidential election — everyone who lives here, including children and non-citizens. It is not turnout, not registration, and not the same quantity as the change in ballots cast. Population is measured on 1 July of the election year, four months before the vote, which is the closest an annual series gets to election day.

Population figures on this page come from 3 Census series: PEP intercensal county estimates, 2000–2010; PEP vintage 2019 county estimates, 2010–2019; PEP vintage 2025 county estimates, 2020–2025. The 2012 and 2020 figures are the first in a new series, so the change shown for those years is measured across a change of Census method as well as across four years. Each of those cards says so. Two figures drawn from different vintages are not two readings of one series.

Every cycle

YearMarginLeanSwingRel. swingVotes3rd party
2024R+59.4R+59.2+0.8+6.92,8112.1%
2020R+60.2R+66.0+2.0-0.32,7322.2%
2016R+53.2R+65.8+7.7+9.52,34416.2%
2012R+69.8R+75.2-9.5-6.22,1821.9%
2008R+60.4R+69.1+13.3+3.42,1592.0%
2004R+73.3R+72.5+6.2+9.32,1622.3%
2000R+78.3R+81.91,9683.6%

Margin is over all votes cast. Lean is the two-party margin minus the nation's — the county's own position with the national environment removed. Relative swing is the change in that lean. “Votes” is the number of ballots cast in the presidential contest, not a share of eligible voters.

Counties on a similar trajectory

Sources

Presidential returns from the MIT Election Data and Science Lab (County Presidential Returns 2000–2024, CC0). Geography and FIPS codes from the US Census Bureau (public domain). Where a state reports both a total and per-mode vote counts, the reported total is used.

Resident population from the US Census Bureau, Population Estimates Program (Vintage 2025), measured as of July 1, 2025. Resident population — all residents, including children and non-citizens. Not an electorate, and not comparable to a vote total as a turnout rate. Conclusions drawn from it are ours, not the Bureau's.

Population at each election is measured on 1 July of the election year and comes from the US Census Bureau's Population Estimates Program (public domain). The 2000–2024 span is covered by several separately estimated vintages of that programme rather than by one continuous series — the ones used on this page are named under the cycle cards, and every change measured across a boundary between them is marked there. Notes about territory changing hands come from this site's own change ledger and are only as complete as it is.