2024
R+8.0marginDonald TrumpRep
56,452
53.3%
Kamala HarrisDem
47,940
45.2%
All other candidates
1,577
1.5%
105,969 ballots cast
Residentsnot published
PEP vintage 2025 county estimates, 2020–2025 — no row for this unit.
Litchfield County
Connecticut·FIPS 09005·county nonfunctioning·182,793 residents (2016 estimate — the last one published)
The Census Bureau has no current estimate for this unit — no longer a current unit as of the 2024 Census geography, so PEP publishes no current estimate for it — but it published one through 2016, and that history is shown against each election below.
2024 result
R+8.0
105,969 ballots cast
Comparability note
Connecticut retired its eight counties as statistical county-equivalents and adopted nine councils of government as planning regions.
The planning regions do not nest inside the old counties — Shelton moved from Fairfield to Naugatuck Valley, and Litchfield County has no single successor. Any county-to-region crosswalk is wrong by whole towns. Rebuild both vintages by summing the 169 towns (county subdivisions), which are stable across the change. Exact in both directions.
What happened: the county's margin each cycle, against the national result.
Lean vs. nation
R+6.6
How this county sits relative to the country in 2024, with the national environment removed.
Trend since 2000
-9.3 pts
Net movement of that lean across 7 cycles — toward Republicans.
Elasticity
0.77
Moves roughly in step with the country.
Bellwether error
7.0
Average gap between this county's margin and the nation's.
Flipped 3 times since 2000 — 2004 to R, 2008 to D, 2012 to R
Votes by candidate
7 cyclesCertified vote counts for each party's nominee, the combined total for everyone else on the ballot, the number of ballots cast, and how many people lived here at the time.
2020
R+5.1marginDonald TrumpRep
55,601
51.7%
Joe BidenDem
50,164
46.6%
All other candidates
1,779
1.7%
107,544 ballots cast
Residentsnot published
PEP vintage 2025 county estimates, 2020–2025 — no row for this unit.
2016
R+13.6marginDonald TrumpRep
53,051
54.4%
Hillary ClintonDem
39,775
40.8%
All other candidates
4,616
4.7%
97,442 ballots cast · 53.3 per 100 residents (2016 population estimate)
Residents182,793−2.5% since 2012 (−4,777 people)
2012
R+3.6marginMitt RomneyRep
47,201
51.1%
Barack ObamaDem
43,856
47.4%
All other candidates
1,370
1.5%
92,427 ballots cast · 49.3 per 100 residents (2012 population estimate)
Residents187,570−1.4% since 2008 (−2,605 people)
Measured across a change of Census vintage. Where the two vintages overlap, 96% of counties agree within 0.5%, so read this figure to about half a point and no finer.
2008
D+4.9marginBarack ObamaDem
51,037
51.6%
John McCainRep
46,176
46.7%
All other candidates
1,657
1.7%
98,870 ballots cast · 52.0 per 100 residents (2008 population estimate)
Residents190,175+0.8% since 2004 (+1,574 people)
2004
R+5.7marginGeorge W. BushRep
50,160
51.9%
John KerryDem
44,647
46.2%
All other candidates
1,861
1.9%
96,668 ballots cast · 51.3 per 100 residents (2004 population estimate)
Residents188,601+3.3% since 2000 (+6,004 people)
2000
D+3.0marginAl GoreDem
41,806
47.9%
George W. BushRep
39,172
44.9%
All other candidates
6,360
7.3%
87,338 ballots cast · 47.8 per 100 residents (2000 population estimate)
Residents182,597
“All other candidates” is every remaining line on the presidential ballot combined — minor parties, independents and write-ins where the state reports them. Shares are of all ballots cast, so the three rows sum to 100%.
Ballots cast per 100 residents is not a turnout rate. It measures votes against every resident — children and non-citizens included — not against eligible or registered voters, which is what turnout means and which this site does not have a county-level figure for. It is shown only where an election year and a population estimate share the same year and describe the same territory; where the Census figure is stated on boundaries the vote was not cast on, the card says so and the ratio is withheld.
A change in residents is not a change in voters. The percentage beside each year is the change in resident population since the previous presidential election — everyone who lives here, including children and non-citizens. It is not turnout, not registration, and not the same quantity as the change in ballots cast. Population is measured on 1 July of the election year, four months before the vote, which is the closest an annual series gets to election day.
Population figures on this page come from 2 Census series: PEP intercensal county estimates, 2000–2010; PEP vintage 2019 county estimates, 2010–2019. The 2012 figure is the first in a new series, so the change shown for that year is measured across a change of Census method as well as across four years. Each of those cards says so. Two figures drawn from different vintages are not two readings of one series.
2 cycles on this page (2020, 2024) have no population figure. The reason is stated on the card rather than left as a blank, and no change is computed from a missing baseline.
The Census no longer estimates this unit: no longer a current unit as of the 2024 Census geography, so PEP publishes no current estimate for it. Its population series therefore ends at 2016 (182,793 residents), while presidential returns are still reported on it. That is a change in what the Census publishes, not a place that stopped existing.
Every cycle
| Year | Margin | Lean | Swing | Rel. swing | Votes | 3rd party |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2024 | R+8.0 | R+6.6 | -3.0 | +3.0 | 105,969 | 1.5% |
| 2020 | R+5.1 | R+9.7 | +9.2 | +6.8 | 107,544 | 1.6% |
| 2016 | R+13.6 | R+16.5 | -10.6 | -8.8 | 97,442 | 4.7% |
| 2012 | R+3.6 | R+7.7 | -8.7 | -5.3 | 92,427 | 1.5% |
| 2008 | D+4.9 | R+2.4 | +10.8 | +1.0 | 98,870 | 1.7% |
| 2004 | R+5.7 | R+3.3 | -9.1 | -6.0 | 96,668 | 1.9% |
| 2000 | D+3.0 | D+2.6 | — | — | 87,338 | 7.3% |
Margin is over all votes cast. Lean is the two-party margin minus the nation's — the county's own position with the national environment removed. Relative swing is the change in that lean. “Votes” is the number of ballots cast in the presidential contest, not a share of eligible voters.
Counties on a similar trajectory
Sources
Presidential returns from the MIT Election Data and Science Lab (County Presidential Returns 2000–2024, CC0). Geography and FIPS codes from the US Census Bureau (public domain). Where a state reports both a total and per-mode vote counts, the reported total is used.
Population at each election is measured on 1 July of the election year and comes from the US Census Bureau's Population Estimates Program (public domain). The 2000–2024 span is covered by several separately estimated vintages of that programme rather than by one continuous series — the ones used on this page are named under the cycle cards, and every change measured across a boundary between them is marked there. Notes about territory changing hands come from this site's own change ledger and are only as complete as it is.